What is it about?
The article shows how foreign countries were represented in Egypt's domestic discourses after the so-called January 25 Revolution and how these representations helped the military regime under Sisi to manifest its political power. I argue that foreign countries were permanently rendered as threat by the military government and Egyptian mainstream media to create a common enemy and make people believe that they need protection. I chose the example of Egypt to show how the analysis of national domestic discourses contributes to a better understanding of international politics more widely.
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Why is it important?
The article is important because it shows in detail how a typical populist rhetorical strategy - the creation of a shared enemy - successfully worked out. At the moment, there are many populists in power, such as Donald Trump in the US. It is important to learn about potential effects of their rhetorical strategies, also in order to make people more aware about the dangers of populism. The article is also important because he provides rare in-depth empirical data that were collected during the Egyptian transformation process 2011-14. Furthermore, I want to show how that people not just believe that there is a common enemy because they are told so. They might believe it because they had real experiences to which such claims relate. This shows us, how past experiences, such as military or other interventions, can have a long-term effect.
Perspectives
I hope this article makes people think more about how dangerous national populism can be. Furthermore, I raise awareness amongst international decision-makers about long-term effects of their interventions and decisions.
Dr. Sarah Wessel
Universitat Hamburg
Read the Original
This page is a summary of: The ‘Third Hand’ in Egypt, Middle East Law and Governance, October 2018, Brill,
DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01003006.
You can read the full text:
Resources
The 'Third Hand' in Egypt
Here you can find a draft version of my article "The 'Third Hand' in Egypt"
Grey-scales. Negotiating the Civil State in Post-Revolutionary Egypt
This is another article of mine. It is open access. It explores the changing state-society relations in Egypt, following the so-called 25 January Revolution until the ousting of Muhammad Mursi, by analysing the shifting processes of claim making and receiving on the creation of dawla madaniyya (civil state). Drawing from a comprehensive qualitative-empirical data collection gained in a long-term field study in capi- tal, industrial, touristic, and rural areas 2010-2014, the analysis reveals that the shift in the debates from a secular state to a civil state reflects three no- tions and developments: (1) the opening of the discursive space to redefine the relationship between religion and politics, (2) the search for a “native” concept to organize representational structures, and (3) the increasing oppo- sition to the political influence of the military. By investigating the complex assumptions, perceptions and circumstances expressed in support of the civil state, I will show that the diverse notions – apart from their incompatibility – indicate a deeper shared concern: whether the emerging political and social extremes can be reunified in order to rehabilitate the disintegration of the national collective.
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